vetrimaran politics

Ponniyin Selvan and the politics of Vetrimaaran

by Kalyanaraman M | Oct 7, 2022 | Politics | 0 comments

Read in : தமிழ்

The films of Vetrimaaran have politics. His movies are to do with power, authority and a politics against it 

In Adukulam, he explored the power dynamic between the guru and the disciple. In Visaranai, he critiqued lawless authoritarianism. In Vada Chennai, he talked about political forces exploiting marginalized folk. But, rarely, if ever, has he talked about specific political ideologies or commented on issues of the day in the open. So it was a surprise that he chose to inject a note of caution in the celebratory mood regarding the Ponniyin Selvan film. 

Vetrimaaran didn’t mince words. At VCK leader Thol Thirumavalavan’s 60th birthday celebrations, he said : “Art is politics. Literature, films are there in “their” hands. Since the Dravidian movement took over films from ‘their’ hands, Tamil Nadu has remained secular and is able to be immune to pressures from outside. Films can reach the common people very quickly. It is absolutely necessary to politicize cinema. When the Dravidian movement took over films, there was talk that art is only for art’s sake. But if art goes away from people, it cannot sustain. Because art is for the people. Art should represent people. We should use art appropriately, therefore. Making Tiruvalluvar wear saffron or portraying Raja Raja Chozhan as Hindu can happen in cinema [to mislead]. We should protect our identity. We should function with political clarity. We should work together. I will support such an initiative.”

Also read: PS-1: Mani Ratnam lost in the Chola maze

This was certainly a call to action. It was a call to all Tamils, aka Dravidianists, to band together to protect Tamil identity, as against Hindu identity. He said brahmins dominate many things including films. And that films are key to the Dravidian political philosophy of social justice and opposing brahmin domination. He was making a case for Dravidian ideology ruling the film world, saying otherwise the narrative would change. Hindutva would take hold and Tamils would lose their identity, he implied. 

Vetrimaaran has said brahmins dominate many things including films. And that films are key to the Dravidian political philosophy of social justice and opposing brahmin domination

Jumping into the fray, Tamilisai Soundararajan evoked the same identity issue. She too said Tamils should not lose their identity but she was referring to the Hindu identity of Tamils. As only he could, BJP’s H Raja asked what was Raja Raja Chola if not a Hindu. Surely, he didn’t build mosques and churches. 

Kamal Haasan, for his part, spoke his heart and with clarity. Instead of confusing the issue, which his interventions often end up doing, he said the question of whether Raja Raja Chola was Hindu or not was irrelevant. Because in Raja Raja’s time, there was no such word. He also pointedly said it was Adi Shankara who sought to create an umbrella akin to today’s word, Hindu. Shankara’s Shanmatha (six religions) brought together six traditions, or faiths if you will, but did not include Buddhism or Jainism that questioned the authority of the Vedas. 

It was inevitable that Ponniyin Selvan would lead to this debate. Through its success, the movie’s various details are now being interpreted. A review on inmathi.com did point to the Raja Raja era embracing the Vedas and facilitating brahmin dominance. 

As per the movie, Vedic chants were common in the Chola royal domain. A scene has Madurantaka Chola looking quizzically, even frowning, at the brahmins and their Sanskrit chants. Mani Ratnam and his writer Jeyamohan were probably only being faithful to recreating the milieu but ended up implying a bigger narrative of the Vedic ingredient in Chola greatness. 

Also read: Ponniyin Selvan movie: The strong story that Mani Ratnam films lacked

The Sangh Parivar has always held that Tamils’ religions are very much a part of the grand Hindu narrative. The RSS route march that ran into trouble in 2016 was to celebrate the 1000th year of Rajendra Chola’s coronation. 

Raja Raja Chola was a Saivite but like most kings, he patronized other faiths. He not only built Vishnu temples but also a Buddha vihar. There are records of his daughter Kundavai’s association with Jainism. Raja Raja, as the movie shows, patronized Vedic traditions too. 

As Kamal Haasan said , Raja Raja probably didn’t see himself as Hindu as the word didn’t exist at that time. But just as the BJP would like to own Raja Raja as a Hindu king so do the Dravidianists. 

The Hinduism of the BJP is Vedic and has Sanskrit brahminism as a key component that Dravidianism opposes.

Raja Raja Chola lived 1,000 years ago. He did some remarkable things, so did his son. The Indian merchant navy training ship, for many years, was called T S Rajendra, as a tribute to Rajendra Chola. 

To the BJP today, his achievements shine as that of a Hindu king. To Dravidianists, he was a great Tamil king. And in any case, Tamils are non-Vedic and non-brahmin, so they are a separate entity, they argue. The Hinduism of the BJP is Vedic and has Sanskrit brahminism as a key component that Dravidianism opposes. 

The BJP wants to become stronger here and the Dravidianists oppose it. Vetrimaaran is alive to that and has come out in the open against it. 

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Licensed to traumatize the oppressed? Do better, Vetrimaaran

What is personal is political. All art forms are political. Cinema is no exception.

Vetrimaaran's latest venture, Viduthalai Part I , like most of his movies, relies on a medley of real-life incidents churned out into a product that awes the macho psyche and manages to get away with critical acclaim. 

Vetrimaaran is at his aggressive best in Viduthalai , unfortunately. 

Viduthalai yet again proves that any filmmaker with an iota of privilege can easily get away with macho aggressiveness and hubris. 

What Vetrimaaran unapologetically indulges in is to strip the dignity of the oppressed people and on the same hand voyeuristically traumatise viewers. The film has scenes where women are shown naked in police custody. It has a scene that shows a rape victim limping on, a tortured woman trying to escape police custody and being shot dead.

That he has an army of fans is another matter. Most Tamil men have discovered in the vulgarity an act of genius. They bow down before the director in a cultist trance. 

Viduthalai Part 1 tries to paint a picture of the universal nature of heroism through the story of a cop and his lover. Secondarily, the movie tries to bring forth the horror of police brutality, against the backdrop of a rebel movement in a mountainous countryside. The liberties that Vetrimaaran grants himself to pick up strands from different historical atrocities against the oppressed and stitch them into a film need to be discussed. But now it's high time to draw a line over what can pass as an acceptable depiction of sexual violence and torture in cinemas.

Honest and fair depictions of sexual violence, abuse, and torture on screen are rare but not absent. 

We don't see Samir’s wife drinking bleach in Le Passe . We don’t see the rape and murder of Angela in Three Billboards Outside Ebbing . We don't see Eric being assaulted at a bus stop in Sex Education , a show that is very sparing with sex scenes. We don’t see Parthiban dying in Witness . 

All of these would have made 'moving', 'touching' and 'heartbreaking' scenes -- by the standards with which Viduthalai is being celebrated -- but the makers deemed such scenes unnecessary and avoidable. 

On the other hand, we have Visaranai , Asuran , and Oor Iravu in Paava Kathaigal -- all Vetrimaaran movies feasting on gruesome visuals of violence, police brutality and sexual assault. 

It's all about choice. The choice of being cautious not to traumatise the audience versus the choice of being sensationalistic and scandalising for the sake of applause. The latter is never a good quality in artists.  

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Vetrimaaran is assumed to have used love as a weapon that boosts the courage and sense of resistance in a hero. But what he actually does is to exploit a woman and perpetrate violence on her to make a hero. 

Aoko Matsudo in her piece The Woman Dies writes the following :  

"She is raped so that the man can be angry about it. She is raped to spark his vengeful spirit. She is raped so the man can look to the sky and howl in agony. She is raped so the man can have a car chase. Raped to bring about real action. Raped so the bad guy can be slowly but surely hunted down. Raped to put the man in the mood to blow up the enemy’s hideout. Raped to make him feel like annihilating the enemy. Even we realize that this is a terrible thing to happen. We swallow nervously.

The woman is raped. The woman is raped at the earliest opportunity. The woman who was raped in the first installment is raped again in the second. She’s raped like it’s the only trick in the book. We feel a bit confused. I mean, it’s clearly an unthinkable thing, and it drives the men into a frenzy, and yet they drop it in there at the slightest provocation. Why don’t the men ever get used to their women being raped? Why do they make such a big fuss about it every time? We don’t understand. We don't get that for a very long time, rape has been just about the only way they've been able to hurt and control women. That it's the most comprehensible, most accessible method to hand.

The woman is raped. The woman is raped as a shocking plot development. We don't understand it, and yet the violent scenes traumatize us. It’s so traumatic that even when we reach adulthood, we find ourselves replaying those scenes in our heads. Or else it’s just hinted at. The woman’s mouth is covered by the man’s hand. The woman’s body is covered by the man’s body. The woman’s face distorts in agony. Things fall. Things break. Crashing sounds. Windows shut. Doors shut. The light goes out. Cut to the next scene."

We know what Aoko is talking about. We grew up and grew old with such movies. Hey Ram , Anjaathe , Nandha , Vaanmagal in Paava Kathaigal , Amaithi Padai , Varalaaru , and Paruthi Veeran are all such movies. This sickening trend has actually given rise to an informal genre called 'rape-revenge movies'. Viduthalai doesn’t fall far from this genre.

"The culture of using caste violence and sexual violence only to further the progress of the story and justifying it under the name of 'visualising true events' is a convenience only privileged male filmmakers have. Let’s take the example of Thevar Magan where a Dalit character depicted by Vadivelu has his arm chopped off. That violence remained only as an event to add to the other 'atrocities' of the villain. It was never addressed. It was used to further the plot,” says Maya*, journalist-cum-filmmaker with more than nine years of experience in the Tamil cinema industry. 

Noting that sexual violence, rape and harassment of women are used to add oil to the fire, she says, "It's almost like 'do you need to turn up the heat against them villains -- bring a woman, harass her, up the story, move on!' This reflects in real life when something is not considered violent unless it's a rape and a rape with proof. We all become 'doubting Thomases' who need to touch the wound to believe."

"Internationally and even in Tamizh films of recent times like Bommai Nayagi , filmmakers much younger and less privileged are making tougher choices in order to tell their stories. The filmmaker chooses the dignity of the victims over voyeuristic depictions born out of privilege," Maya says. 

"The position of the spectators in the cinema is blatantly one of repression of their exhibitionism and projection of the repressed desire onto the performer," Laura Mulvey writes in Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema . 

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Laura implies the shrinkage of the distance between the spectator and the action on screen. Spectators live and internalise what they watch in a movie, which brings us to questions Vetrimaaran wilfully ignores: "Who is assaulted when a character is assaulted on screen? Could it be the watcher? What happens when the watcher has already been assaulted?"

While it can be argued that the filmmaker has attempted to showcase the depth of police brutality, it is quite easy to figure it was a failed effort. 

"If this was created with a motive to make people realise the horror of police brutality, the director has failed there too. Spectators don't feel anger and resentment towards the police, because of the film’s narrative. I feel dissatisfaction towards Vetrimaaran for such a traumatising portrayal because he repeatedly affirms the police throughout the movie. You see Gautham Menon torturing people being shot in a way to glamourise the police. This is not at all expected of the director. But, I still have high hopes for him. I feel like this is an 'even elephants do slip' moment for him," says Kavin Malar, journalist. 

She also says the movie has not depicted oppressed caste women with dignity. 

"I find the torture and sexual violence scenes in Viduthalai to be problematic. One must not depict women in such a way on screen. One definitely must not depict oppressed caste women on screen in such a way. It is very important to portray women with dignity on screen and the filmmaker must put all their efforts to ensure this. Suggestive shots could have been used like so many other films. Vetrimaaran has not done that," Kavin Malar says. 

Theories explaining the attraction towards violent content often point to the gratification of the experience, say A Bartsch & M.-L. Mares in a paper titled Making Sense of Violence . 

"One set of explanations focuses on gratifications related to intense emotions and arousal, such as voyeurism and curiosity about taboo actions, rebellious tasting of the 'forbidden fruit' of violence," the study says. 

"Individuals' motivations for entertainment use may not only reflect hedonistic regulation of mood and arousal but may also involve a search for deeper insight, meaning, and purpose in life," it adds.

Vetrimaaran’s quest to make sense of the father who kills his daughter in Oor Iravu and the attempt to romanticise the heroism of a cop in Viduthalai may rise either from the gratification linked to the rebellious tasting of the 'forbidden fruit' or a search for a deeper purpose in life. One can never be too sure, but he cannot carry on doing this at the cost of the oppressed. Will Vetrimaaran learn?

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Thalapathy Vijay’s Final Curtain Call: A Last Hurrah Before Politics

As the anticipation mounts for Thalapathy Vijay’s impending foray into politics, fans and cinephiles alike eagerly await news of his final cinematic endeavor. With his current project, “GOAT,” helmed by director Venkat Prabhu, nearing completion, Vijay is poised to embark on one last cinematic journey before bidding adieu to the silver screen.

The Last Act: Speculation Surrounding Vijay’s Final Film

Amidst widespread speculation, it is rumored that Vijay’s swan song in cinema will be produced by DVV Entertainment, the esteemed production house behind the global blockbuster “RRR.” DVV Danayya, the visionary producer, is said to have already extended a substantial advance to Vijay, fueling intrigue about the forthcoming project’s magnitude and significance.

A Directorial Deliberation: Vijay’s Collaboration with Vetrimaran

While details remain scarce, reports suggest that Vijay is likely to join forces with acclaimed director Vetrimaran for his final cinematic outing. Known for his poignant narratives and astute social commentary, Vetrimaran’s collaboration with Vijay promises to infuse the project with depth and gravitas, setting the stage for a compelling exploration of societal issues intertwined with political themes.

The Promise of a Potent Combination: Vijay and Vetrimaran

The prospect of Vijay and Vetrimaran coming together has sparked fervent anticipation within the industry and among fans. Their collective prowess and distinct storytelling sensibilities hold the potential to elevate the final film to unprecedented heights, captivating audiences and igniting conversations long after the credits roll.

Awaiting Official Confirmation: The Veil of Secrecy

While speculation abounds, official confirmation regarding the collaboration between Vijay and Vetrimaran is eagerly awaited. As discussions continue behind closed doors, cinephiles remain on tenterhooks, eager for any tidbits of information that may offer insight into the nature and scope of Vijay’s farewell project.

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As Thalapathy Vijay prepares to bid farewell to the cinematic realm and embark on a new chapter in his journey, his final film assumes monumental significance. With the potential to leave an indelible mark on Tamil cinema, Vijay’s collaboration with Vetrimaran symbolizes the convergence of talent, vision, and purpose, promising an unforgettable swan song that will resonate with audiences and endure as a testament to his legacy.

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The Economic Times daily newspaper is available online now.

How hindu were the cholas dmk, bjp fight it out.

The debate started when filmmaker Vetrimaran speaking in the context of recently released Mani Ratnam's Ponniyin Selvan, a movie based on Kalki’s fictional novel inspired by Chola ruler Raja Raja Cholan, said saffronising Raja Raja Cholan as a Hindu king is part of an attempt to snatch symbols and misrepresent them. Cinema is a commoner’s medium and, hence, it is important to understand politics to protect one’s representation, he said.

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Over-possessiveness could have led Vetrimaran to kill Nandhini, say police

Chennai: Being empathetic appears to have cost R Nandhini, a software engineer from Madurai, her life. Little did she or her family suspect that her once-school classmate would go to the extent of murdering her. 

Her classmate Vetrimaran, a trans-man, made her believe that he would give her a surprise on her birthday eve on Saturday and convinced her to accompany him to a deserted place in Ponmar in Thalambur police limits. 

He then blindfolded her and chained her hands and feet as a "surprise," slashed her neck and wrists, emptied a can of petrol and torched her before fleeing from the spot, said police. 

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Hearing her cries, a few passers-by alerted the police. However, before she was rushed in an ambulance to the Chromepet Government hospital for treatment, Nandhini gave out the mobile number of Vetrimaran, police said. 

"Initially, he came to identify Nandhini and had accompanied her to the GH but later disappeared," a police officer said. He was, however, arrested on Sunday and later remanded in judicial custody. 

Police investigation revealed Vetrimaran, 26, then Pandi Maheswari, studied with Nandhini at a school in Madurai. Nandhini had continued her friendship on humanitarian grounds even after Maheswari changed the name to Vetrimaran. 

He was in regular touch with her. He got incensed when she started avoiding him. "He became over-possessive when he noticed her talking to other male friends. There was an argument between the two over this," said a police official. 

On December 23, on Nandhini's birthday eve, Vetrimaran called her to say he would not quarrel with her and asked her to meet him as he planned "a surprise" for her birthday. 

After presenting her new clothes, he took her to an orphanage near Tambaram and made a donation. On the way home, he took Nandhini to Ponmar where he blindfolded her, tied her limbs, inflicted cut injuries on her neck and wrists, doused petrol, torched her, and fled. 

After completing her studies, Nandhini moved to Chennai, got employed in a software firm and resided at her paternal uncle's home in Kannagi Nagar here. 

While Vetrimaran, residing at Mappedu was in regular touch with her. "Had Nandhini told us there was a problem, we would have helped her. Being empathetic cost Nandhini her life," her father said. 

Her elder sister said the family got a call from the police saying her sister had been set afire and that she was dead.  On Sunday evening, the police handed over Nandhini's body to her family on her birthday.

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Politics | mueller report shows depth of connections between trump campaign and russians.

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Mueller Report Shows Depth of Connections Between Trump Campaign and Russians

By KAREN YOURISH and LARRY BUCHANAN UPDATED APRIL 19, 2019

Donald J. Trump and 18 of his associates had at least 140 contacts with Russian nationals and WikiLeaks, or their intermediaries, during the 2016 campaign and presidential transition, according to a New York Times analysis.

The report of Robert S. Mueller III, released to the public on Thursday, revealed at least 30 more contacts beyond those previously known . However, the special counsel said , “the evidence was not sufficient to support criminal charges.”

Very few, if any, of these interactions were publicly known before Mr. Trump took office.

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In addition to Mr. Mueller’s report, knowledge of these interactions is based on Times reporting, documents submitted to Congress and court records. Among the contacts are in-person meetings, phone calls, text messages, emails and private messages on social media platforms.

Donald J. Trump at least 13 contacts

Invited to Moscow to attend party for Aras Agalarov and possibly meet Putin.

Received letter from Agalarov expressing “great interest” in campaign.

Tweeted: “I HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH RUSSIA.”

Signed letter of intent to develop Trump Tower in Moscow.

Signed letter of intent to develop a Trump Tower in Moscow.

Aras Agalarov, a Russian billionaire who hosted a Miss Universe pageant with Mr. Trump in Moscow, and the billionaire’s son, Emin, reached out to Mr. Trump several times. (Separately, both men helped arrange the June 2016 Trump Tower meeting with a Kremlin-linked lawyer about getting information that could be damaging to Hillary Clinton.)

Mr. Trump was also pursuing a plan to build a Trump Tower in Moscow and was repeatedly invited to an economic forum in St. Petersburg, Russia, that would be attended by President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and other Russian government and business officials.

Michael D. Cohen at least 25 contacts

Continuing discussions about Trump Tower project in Moscow.

Had contacts with Kremlin about project.

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Met with Russian oligarch.

A Russian offered to introduce Trump to Putin and help with the Trump Tower project.

Mr. Cohen , Mr. Trump’s lawyer at the time, had repeated contacts with Russians about a plan to build a Trump Tower in Moscow. In 2018, Mr. Cohen admitted lying to Congress about the duration of these discussions and Mr. Trump’s involvement in them.

Donald Trump Jr. at least 17 contacts

Contacted by a Russian social media executive about setting up a campaign page.

Arranged and attended Trump Tower Russia meeting.

Called it “disgusting” for Democrats to suggest Russia was helping Trump.

Exchanged direct messages with WikiLeaks.

Contacted by a Russian social media executive.

Mr. Trump Jr. arranged the now-famous meeting at Trump Tower with Russians after being promised “dirt” on Hillary Clinton. He also exchanged private messages with WikiLeaks, which disseminated stolen Clinton campaign emails, and was aware of negotiations during the 2016 presidential campaign to develop a Trump Tower in Moscow.

George Papadopoulos at least 16 contacts

Told that the Russians had “dirt” on Clinton.

Had contact with a Russian who said his Foreign Ministry colleagues were “open for cooperation.”

Met with London-based professor who claimed to have ties to Russian government.

Mr. Papadopoulos , a campaign adviser, had frequent contacts with Russian operatives who said they wanted to arrange meetings between Mr. Trump and Mr. Putin. He frequently told campaign officials about these conversations.

Paul Manafort at least 7 Russian contacts

Period of time Manafort was on Trump campaign

Attended Trump Tower meeting.

Said charges of ties between campaign and Russia were “absurd.”

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Offered Konstantin V. Kilimnik polling data.

Offered to give private briefings to a Russian oligarch.

Mr. Manafort had multiple contacts with a business associate, Konstantin V. Kilimnik, believed to have ties to Russian intelligence. He had political polling data shared with Mr. Kilimnik and told him he could offer private campaign briefings to a Russian oligarch. He also attended the June 2016 Trump Tower meeting.

Michael T. Flynn at least 5 contacts

Met with Kislyak at Trump Tower.

Multiple contacts with Kislyak about Russian sanctions.

During the transition, Mr. Flynn had several conversations with Sergey I. Kislyak, the Russian ambassador to the United States at the time, about Russian sanctions and about blocking an impending United Nations vote criticizing Israeli settlements.

Jared Kushner at least 6 contacts

Was forwarded a proposal for a back-channel meeting with Russians, which he rebuffed.

Attended Trump Tower Russia meeting.

Met with Russian ambassador and the head of a Russian bank.

Introduced to Russian ambassador.

Forwarded proposal for back-channel meeting with Russians, which he rebuffed.

Mr. Kushner met at Trump Tower with the Russian ambassador and discussed setting up a way to communicate with Moscow during the presidential transition. He also met with a Russian banker with close ties to Mr. Putin in an attempt to establish a direct line of communication to the Russian president.

Roger J. Stone Jr. at least 18 contacts

Ongoing discussions with Trump campaign about WikiLeaks.

Messaged with Guccifer 2.0.

Received WikiLeaks message.

Met with a Russian who offered dirt on Hillary Clinton in exchange for money.

Asked WikiLeaks

intermediary

for Clinton emails.

Mr. Stone convinced the campaign that he could be a conduit of inside information from WikiLeaks . In an indictment unsealed on Jan. 25, the special counsel disclosed evidence that a top campaign official dispatched Mr. Stone to get information from WikiLeaks about the thousands of hacked Democratic emails.

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